Challenges of consolidating democracy in ghana
To undertake this assessment, Linz and Stepan's multidimensional framework of democratic consolidation is adopted, and their three dimensions and five arenas of democratic consolidation are explored.
Findings demonstrate that although significant progress has been made towards democratic consolidation in Ghana, there are aspects of consolidation that remain weak.
It can assist Africa to consolidate democracy and avert the impending doom by helping Africa in three important areas; containing Africa’s tyrants, fighting corruption and capacity building.
In the light of the successful and peaceful outcome of the December 2008 elections in Ghana, inclusive of the second transfer of power between political parties since the return to democratic rule in 1992, this paper considers whether Ghana can now be regarded as a consolidated democracy.
Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of the J.
Africa’s destiny will be shaped by how much Africa constructs a sense of common identity based, not on the narrow lenses of state, race or religion, but constructed on Africa’s belief in democracy, governance and unity as the most viable policy option to mediate, reconcile and accommodate our individual and collective interests.
This is important in reconstituting African politics from being a zero sum to a positive sum game, characterized by reciprocal behaviour and legitimate relations between the governors and the governed.
Events in Africa, despite providing hope and mixed results, remind us that no matter the difference in the colour of our eyes, skin, religion, wealth and geography, we all yearn for liberty and equality, something more consequential and bigger than “big and strong men.” What are the possibilities of the contagion effect of the situation in some parts of Africa?
What policies can the Africa Union (AU) develop to respond to these situations?
When leaders follow the democratic rules of the game, as in Ghana’s and Nigeria’s most recent elections, incumbents are likely to lose their seats.
When they do not, as in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Uganda, and Zimbabwe, the result is instead greater repression, as presidents seek to insulate themselves from the rising risk of defeat.